voodoo kingdom这首歌真心带感啊 有什么出处么

drama的过去式是：dramatized。drama的动词形式是：dramatize美/?dr?m?ta?z/英/?dr?m?ta?z/vt.使戏剧化；编写剧本；改编成戏剧vi.戏剧化过去式dramatized。

这个 有被改成剧本 和 被戏剧化的形容了 那种意思 你能来个句子么…可能句子里面语意会有变化 把句子弄上来吧…

形容词后缀带有"属性，倾向，相关"的含义1、-able，-ible，movable，comfortable，applicable可应用的，合用的；可实施的，visible显而易见的，responsible。2、-al，natural，additional添加的；附加的；额外的，educational。3、-an，ane=acoustic noise environment噪音环境，urban城市的；居住在城市的，suburban郊区的，近郊的，republican共和国的。后缀-ize（-ise）后缀-ize（-ise）可以加在名词或形容词的后面构成动词，表示"照……样子做"、"按……方式处理"、"使成为……"、"变成……状态"、"……化"的意思。例如：dramatic（戏剧的）→dramatize（改编成剧本）， modern（现代的）→modernize（现代化），organ（组织）→organize（组织起来），civil（文明的）→civilize（使文明，变为文明），system（系统）→sys- temize（系统化），normal（正常的）→ normalize（使正常化），equal（平等的）→equalize（使平等，使相等）以上内容参考：百度百科-英语后缀

1.sympathize美["su026ampu0259"θau026az]vi.同情；同感；赞成【例句】Hewould sympathize buthewouldn"tunderstand.他可能会表示同情，但不会理解。2.modernize英 ["mu0252du0259nau026az]美 ["mɑu02d0du0259rnau026az] 　 　v. (使)现代化【例句】Theyhavefailedtomodernizetheirfactories.他们没能使他们的工厂现代化。3.realize英 ["riu02d0u0259lau026az]美 ["riu02d0u0259lau026az] 　 　vt. 实现；了解；意识到；变卖【例句】NowIwillstepforwardtorealizethiswish.现在,我想传递并实现这个愿望。4.crystalize英 ["kru026astu0259lau026az]美 ["kru026astu0259lu02ccau026az] 　 　v. 明确；结晶；使成形【例句】Ilostmycrystalnecklaceattheparty.我在晚会上丢失了水晶项链。5.privatize英 ["praivu0259,taiz]vt.使私有化；使归私有【例句】Therehavebeennumerousdiscussionsaboutwhethertheprovinceshouldsell,orprivatize,theLCBO. 有很多争论关于是否由省政府卖酒，还是私有企业，还有LCBO。扩展资料缀是决定一个词的词性的重要标记。掌握词性是掌握英语基本规律，扩大词的重要手段。-ize构成及不物动词表示“实行…”-ize构成及物动词表示“产生…” -ize构成及物动词表示“使成为” -ize构成及物动词表示“照…法处理” -ize构成及物动词表示“作…处理”例如：dramatic（戏剧的）→dramatize（改编成剧本）modern（现代的）→modernize（现代化）organ（组织）→organize（组织起来）civil（文明的）→civilize（使文明，变为文明）system（系统）→sys-temize（系统化）normal（正常的）→normalize（使正常化）equal（平等的）→equalize（使平等，使相等）

ize后缀的单词有sympathize（同情，同感，赞成）、modernize（使现代化）、realize（实现，了解）、crystalize（明确，结晶）、privatize（使私有化、使归私有）、dramatize（改编成剧本）等。 扩展资料 ize后缀的单词：modernize（现代化）、organize（组织起来）、civilize（使文明，变为文明）、sys-temize（系统化）、normalize（使正常化）、equalize（使平等，使相等）。

后缀-ize 可以加在名词或形容词的后面构成动词 例如： dramatic戏剧的， dramatize 改编成剧本 ，modern 现代， modernize 现代化 ，organ 组织 ，organize 组织起来， mobile 移动 mobilize 。 扩展资料 　　Its dramatic nuances were often generalised to the point of opacity. 　　它那戏剧性的微妙之处常被含糊处理到了晦涩的`地步。 　　The company made a dramatic entrance into the export market. 　　这家公司戏剧性地打入了出口市场。 　　Don"t worry too much about what she said ─ she tends to dramatize things. 　　别太在意她说的话——她往往言过其实。 　　They have a tendency to show off, to dramatize almost every situation. 　　他们爱炫耀，几乎对每种情况都添油加醋。

1. 拒绝别人邀请的句式 A: Could we have the honor of your presence at the party? 您能赏脸亲临晚会吗？ B: ①I"d love to, but I have a prior appointment. 我很乐意，但我有约在先。 ②I wish I could, but my mother is coming this evening. 我希望我能接受邀请，但我母亲今晚要来。 ③I"m terribly sorry, I don"t think I can. 我很抱歉，我想我不能来。 ④That"s very kind of you, but I"ll have an exam tomorrow. 谢谢你，但我明天要考试。 2. 拒绝所提供的东西的句式 A: Would you like some wine? 喝点酒吗？ B: ①No, I really don"t want it, thank you. 不，我真的不要，谢谢你。 ②Not for me, thank you. 我不要，谢谢你。 ③Not this time, thanks. 这次不要，谢谢。 3. 拒绝提供的帮助的句式 A: OK, if I call on you to paint the room tomorrow? 我能否明天登门帮你粉刷房间？ B: ①Nice thought, but that would be too much bother. 好主意，不过那太麻烦了。 ②No, don"t bother, I can manage. 不，不用费心，我能行。 ③Please don"t trouble about it. 请不要为此费心了。 4. 拒绝给某人许可的句式 A: May I borrow your dictionary? 我可以借用一下你的字典吗？ B:①No, not this moment. 这会儿可不行。 ②I"m afraid I can"t lend you. 恐怕我不能答应你。 5. 拒绝做某事的句式 ①I regret to say that we find ourselves unable to pay the debt. 我很抱歉，我们看来不能偿付这笔债。 ②I"m afraid it"s quite impossible to give you a raise. 恐怕不太可能给你加工资。 ③Sorry, I don"t reckon I can see her off at the airport. 对不起，我想我无法到机场为她送行。 ④I"m sorry, but you"re not allowed to park your car here. 对不起，你不准在此停车。

nowhere 等系列否定词做主语的倒装结构具体语法详细了解 倒装结构

1.sympathize美["su026ampu0259"θau026az]vi.同情；同感；赞成【例句】Hewould sympathize buthewouldn"tunderstand.他可能会表示同情，但不会理解。2.modernize英 ["mu0252du0259nau026az]美 ["mɑu02d0du0259rnau026az] 　 　v. (使)现代化【例句】Theyhavefailedtomodernizetheirfactories.他们没能使他们的工厂现代化。3.realize英 ["riu02d0u0259lau026az]美 ["riu02d0u0259lau026az] 　 　vt. 实现；了解；意识到；变卖【例句】NowIwillstepforwardtorealizethiswish.现在,我想传递并实现这个愿望。4.crystalize英 ["kru026astu0259lau026az]美 ["kru026astu0259lu02ccau026az] 　 　v. 明确；结晶；使成形【例句】Ilostmycrystalnecklaceattheparty.我在晚会上丢失了水晶项链。5.privatize英 ["praivu0259,taiz]vt.使私有化；使归私有【例句】Therehavebeennumerousdiscussionsaboutwhethertheprovinceshouldsell,orprivatize,theLCBO. 有很多争论关于是否由省政府卖酒，还是私有企业，还有LCBO。扩展资料缀是决定一个词的词性的重要标记。掌握词性是掌握英语基本规律，扩大词的重要手段。-ize构成及不物动词表示“实行…”-ize构成及物动词表示“产生…” -ize构成及物动词表示“使成为” -ize构成及物动词表示“照…法处理” -ize构成及物动词表示“作…处理”例如：dramatic（戏剧的）→dramatize（改编成剧本）modern（现代的）→modernize（现代化）organ（组织）→organize（组织起来）civil（文明的）→civilize（使文明，变为文明）system（系统）→sys-temize（系统化）normal（正常的）→normalize（使正常化）equal（平等的）→equalize（使平等，使相等）

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."?This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning:My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride,From every mountainside, let freedom ring!And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies ofPennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that:Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:Free at last! free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! http://www.americanrhetoric.com/top100speechesall.html（美国历史上著名的100个演讲MP3及原文） 在这里，你不仅能够看到原文，还可以亲耳听听马丁路德金的I have a dream的演讲，那可是真是震撼人心！

Nowhere do 1980 census statistics dramatize more the American search for spacious living than in the Far West. 译：1980年的人口普查统计显示出：遥远西部的美国人最追求宽敞的生存空间。注：本句子nowhere属于倒装，应该放在than前面。可还原为：1980 census statistics dramatize nowhere than in the Far West the American search for spacious living more通过比较级的否定来表示最高级，如：I can"t agree with you more. 我再同意你不过了。It couldn"t be better. 这最好了。

生平 福克纳出生于一个历史悠久的南方家庭。他在牛津镇长大，该镇后来成为其小说中虚构的杰斐逊镇的原型。他的家族史也被写进了他的小说中。一战早期他曾在加拿大参加英国陆军航空队，训练未完一战就已结束了。回国后他在密西西比大学就读一年，后做过多种杂工。他的前两部小说并未引起注意，而1929年出版的《沙特里斯》却表现出其创作已渐臻成熟。他的下一部《喧哗与骚动》是一部较为成熟的作品。而后，他的主要作品陆续出版。1946年文学批评家马尔科姆考利编辑了他的作品选集《福克纳读本》，并详细介绍他的著作。福克纳成为文学批评界的焦点。福克纳于1949年获得诺贝尔文学奖。福克纳的作品被称为“约克纳帕特发世家小说”。在这些作品里福克纳描写了许多南方贵族的家族史。在这些家族发迹时福克纳就预示到他们必然的衰落。因为他们剥夺了印第安人的土地，奴役了黑人，受到了诅咒。当悲壮的兴衰史在一部部小说中不断呈现时，它就具有了象征性的意义。很显然，福克纳想要表达的不仅仅涉及美国南方，也包括整个人类的生活状况。现代生活中精神的堕落直接源于缺乏爱和情感上的回应。 写作特点 (1)福克纳极重视人物的塑造，这是他表现人的多面性的关键所在。他给予角色最大程度的自主和独立。他运用了一些手法以保证人物的独立性。其中最重要的是“作者的超脱”，这通过不可靠的叙事者和多位叙事者的手法实现。 (2)他的作品里有很多的内心独白。现代意识流技巧频繁恰当地运用单词常挤到一块，没有大写和标点符号句子意义指代不明，长句子奇怪地堆积到一起。代词的使用加重了其文章的复杂性。 (3)他的作品里包含日常口语，地方方言，又有规范的文学语言，涵盖了英语语言的多个语域。 (4)福克纳的想象力异常丰富。他把作品植根于美国南部历史,创造出一种独特的文学氛围，最终超越具体的人或事的局限而触及普遍性的问题。作品分析The Sound and the FuryThe Sound and the Fury is William Faulkner"s best novel. Here is "a tale/Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury/Signifying nothing."There is enough despair and nihilism but not much love and emotion in this sad story of the Compsons.Mr.Compson is disenchanted with life and the society he lives in. Unable to find meaning in the moral verities he was brought up with, he escapes into alcoholism and cynicism. Mrs. Compson is spiritually effete and has little love to spare for her children. Of the four children,Caddy is the only one capable of loving, but she loses her virginity.The youngest brother, Benjy, is an idiot, a curse on the family. Another, Quentin, lives in the ideal world of his youth with his dreams of love, honor, and integrity, and,when he fails to keep off the intrusion of the "loud, harsh world".he destroys himself. The life of the eldest brother,Jason,is empty and meaningless. Love is alien to him, and so are other traditional humanistic values. The Sound and the Fury tells a story of deterioration from the past to the present. The past is idealized to forn striking contrast with the loveless present. There is in the book an acute feeling of nostalgia toward the happy past, Quentins section offers a good illustration. A miserable creature in the modern world, Quentin frequently casts a backward glance at the time of his childhood when life was innocent, romantic, and secure. He just cannot bring himself to come to terms with the present which is, to him, purposeless, futile. and devoid of the values which make life worth living. His suicide offers an example of a complete negation of the present. In a sense, Quentin"s value system may represent Faulkner"s own idea of an ideal way of life,that of an ante-bellum society. The fact that Benjy"s section begins the book is not a haphazard arrangement on the part of the author, for it is Benjy who feels most keenly the loss of love. Benjy lives on the emotional support of love. Although an idiot with no sense of time, he knows who loves him best. When caddy is gone, his world of love vanishes with her, and nobody can take her place. not even Dilsey.Thus this section helps to dramatize the theme of loss from the very beginning of the story. With the story of Jason whose life embodies all the vices of the modern world, the contrast between the ante-bellum society and the present one is brought out in the most poignant manner possible.The triumph of rationalism over feeling and compassion is best illustrated in this sterile and loveless individual.

Nowhere do 1980 census statistics dramatize more the American search for spacious living than in the Far West.在1980年人口普查的统计数字中，没有地方能比远西部更能体现美国人对宽敞的生活空间的追求。这句话用了两个特殊结构：1. more than 为了强调，more被倒装到宾语前面了。2. Nowhere do + 主谓结构: 表示没有地方有人做某事。例如：Nowhere do people walk on their heads. 世界上没有人头朝下走路。Nowhere does "no" mean "yes". ”不”在哪儿都不能成为”是”。把这两个用来强调语气的结构去掉，原句的结构就很清楚了：1980 census statistics (主语) dramatize (谓语) the American search (宾语) for spacious living (宾补) in the Far West (状语).现在把两个结构按原句意思不倒装加进来：1980 census statistics dramatize the American search for spacious living nowhere more than in the Far West.能明白吗？

Bag: cat, map, sad;cake: name, plane, date; desk: next, set, step, let; these: Chinese, Japanese; hit: big, ship, this, kill; like: side, nice, kite,mine ; not: dog, hot, stop, got; nose: note, those, close, hole ; bus: nut, cup, rubber, dust; use: huge

〈Hamlet〉《哈姆雷特》是莎士比亚最重要的一部悲剧作品.它讲述了一个丹麦王子为父报仇的悲剧故事.沙翁名剧《哈姆雷特》的故事原是丹麦民间传说,以克伦堡作为故事发生地点,以后世界上有不少名演员以古堡庭院为演出背景出演《哈姆雷特》。Certainly the most studied play in world literature, Shakespeare"s quintessential drama "Hamlet" goes beyond comparison. More has been written about the character Hamlet than any other figure in history, except Christ, so little can be added some four hundred years after it was written! Hamlet, the young Prince of Denmark, is visited by the ghost of his father, who tells him that he"s been murdered and that the culprit is his own brother Claudius. He makes his son swear that he"ll extract revenge. And for the next four acts, the "melancholy Dane" takes his time in getting the revenge. And revenge he gets! This being a Shakespearean tragedy, the protagonist must die, due to his fatal tragic flaw, and die young Hamlet does, but not before Act V is scattered with corpses here and there. To say "something is rotten in Denmark" proves to be an understatement! At the end of the play, many of the lords of the castle lie dead, including both Queen Gertrude and Hamlet, so one wonders whether the protagonist"s father was ever avenged in any real sense, even though King Claudius has also been killed.

　　你知道爱的英语怎么读吗?一起来学习一下吧! 　　爱的英文： 　　love; 　　like; 　　be fond of; 　　affection; 　　爱的词组习语： 　　1. （对人或事物有很深的感情） love: 　　love one"s country; 　　爱祖国 　　love wildly [blindly， passionately， sincerely]; 　　疯狂［盲目， 热烈， 真诚］地爱 　　deeply [tenderly] love; 　　深深［温柔］地爱 　　Love the Chinese nation， repair the Great Wall.; Love China， Repair the Great Wall. 　　爱我中华， 修我长城。 　　He loves money above everything else. 　　他爱钱胜过一切。 　　He loved his wife devotedly. 　　他真诚地爱他的妻子。 　　2. （喜欢； 爱好； 喜好） like; be fond of; be keen on: 　　like watching TV; 　　爱看电视 　　be fond of swimming; 　　爱游泳 　　He is awfully fond of jesting. 　　他极爱开玩笑。 　　He likes to play football. 　　他最爱踢足球。 　　I am dead keen on fishing. 　　我酷爱钓鱼。 　　She likes to rubber-neck. 　　她爱问长问短。 　　He is a rubberneck. 　　他是个爱问长问短的人。 　　3. （爱惜； 爱护） cherish; treasure; hold dear; take good care of: 　　take good care of public property; 　　爱公物 　　cherish the good name of the collective 　　爱集体荣誉 　　4. （常常发生某种行为； 容易发生某种变化） be apt to; be in the habit of: 　　be apt to lose one"s temper; be short-tempered; 　　爱发脾气 　　Iron rusts easily. 　　铁爱生锈。 　　Food is apt to deteriorate in summer. 　　食物在夏天爱变质。 　　名 　　1. （深厚的感情; 深切的关怀; 特指男女之间的爱情） love; affection: 　　universal fraternity [love]; 　　博爱 　　maternal love; 　　母爱 　　everlasting love; 　　永恒的爱 　　a keen affection; 　　强烈的爱 　　His affections were turned from his wife. 　　他对妻子的爱转移了。 　　Parental love is deep and true. 　　父母之爱深而真挚。 　　His love had been woven of sentiment rather than passion. 　　他的爱是以情感而不是以情欲为其经纬的。 　　爱的英文例句： 　　1. I will return, find you, love you, marry you and live without shame. 　　我会回去，找到你，爱你，娶你，活的光明正大。《赎罪》 　　2. He vowed to wreak vengeance on his unfaithful, thieving wife. 　　他发誓要报复对自己不忠、爱偷东西的妻子。 　　3. He cracked jokes and talked about beer and girls. 　　他爱说笑话，喜欢谈论啤酒和姑娘。 　　4. Sonia, we are reliably informed, loves her family very much. 　　我们从可靠的消息来源获知索尼娅非常爱自己的家人。 　　5. The inscription reads: "To Emma, with love from Harry". 　　题赠写着：“献给爱玛，爱你的哈里”。 　　6. If ever a man needed your love, I need it. 　　如果说真有一个男人需要你的爱，那就是我。 　　7. I have always had an enquiring mind where food is concerned. 　　我在吃的方面一向很爱探究求索。 　　8. They have a tendency to show off, to dramatize almost every situation. 　　他们爱炫耀，几乎对每种情况都添油加醋。 　　9. I still love you even though I"d like to wring your neck. 　　虽然我想掐死你，但我还是爱你的。 　　10. He may suddenly take a dislike to foods that he"s previously enjoyed. 　　对以前爱吃的食物，他兴许突然就没了胃口。 　　11. Matt is weak and dependent, but you love him all the same. 　　马特软弱无能且依赖性强，但我们照样爱他。 　　12. The Philharmonia played this staggeringly difficult music superlatively well. 　　爱乐乐团精彩演绎了这首高难度乐曲。 　　13. Ray was very giggly and joking all the time. 　　蕾特别喜欢咯咯地笑，而且总是爱开玩笑。 　　14. Though he had a temper and could be nasty, it never lasted. 　　虽然他爱发脾气，而且有时还很讨厌，但向来都只是一阵儿。 　　15. She was devoted to him, but she no longer loved him madly. 　　她一心一意地爱他，但是这份爱不再疯狂。

分类: 教育/科学 >> 外语学习 问题描述: In the late summer of that year we lived in a house in a village that looked across the river and the plain to the mountains.In the bed of the river there were pebbles and boulders ,dry and white in the sun,and the water was clear and swiftly moving and blue in the channels.Troops went by the houose and down the road and the dust they raised powdered the leaves of the trees.The trunks of the trees too were dusty and the leaves fell early that year and we saw the troops marching along the road and the dust rising and leaves, stirred by the breeze ,falling and the soliders marching and afterward the road bare and white except for the leaves. 解析: 海明威的A Farewell To Arms (永别了武器) （英文介绍）Ernest Hemingway was born on 21st July 1899 in Oak Park, Chicago. The second of six children. He was born at eight o"clock in the south front bedroom of 439 North Oak Park Avenue. His grandfather"s house. He weighed a healthy nine and a half pounds and measured enty three inches tall. At seven weeks old he was taken to Bear Lake, to the shorefront property that his father, Dr Ed Hemingway had purchased the summer before. It was not until October 1st, on his parent"s third wedding anniversary that he was christened, Ernest Miller Hemingway at the First Congregational Church. In his first year he experienced the pleasures of life on the shore at Bear Lake and at three he had caught his first fish. His mother described him at three and a half years of age as: " Ernest Miller is a little man - no longer lazy - dresses himself pletely and is a good helper for his father. He wears suspenders just like Papa. Is very proud to be a member of Agassiz (a nature study group anised by his father). He counts up to 100, can spell by ear very well. He likes to build cannons and forts with building blocks. He collects cartoons of the Russo-Japanese War. He loves stories about Great Americans - can give you good sketches of all the great men of American History" He sounded, even then, like an exceptional child. When Hemingway was six, his grandfather died and the Hemingway family left his grandfather"s house (and the house Ernest Hemingway was born in) and moved to a corner lot at 600 North Kenilworth Avenue and Iowa Street. It was an eight bedroomed, three storey house, with an office for his father, where he could conduct his medical business. It was a strict household, no enjoyment was to be taken on Sunday, the Lord"s day. This was to be spent in church and pursuing religious interests. Disobedience was punished by a few lashes from a razor strap administered by Hemingway"s father, or a hairbrush from his mother. Ernest"s mother taught all her children music and creativity and took them to concerts, art galleries and operas. Ernest"s father taught his children to love nature. To build fires, to cook in the open, how to use an axe, how to tie wet and dry flies, how to make bullets, how to prepare birds and *** all animals for mounting. He insisted on the proper handling of guns, rods and tackle and he taught Ernest physical courage and endurance. Ernest"s winters were spent in Chicago, his summers at Bear Lake. It was on his elve birthday he was given a present of a single barrel 20 gauge shotgun. Ernest loved to dramatize everything. He made up stories in which he was invariably the swashbuckling hero. He was also now singing regularly at the Third Congregational Church and was making his first attempts at writing. On reaching adolescence Ernest had developed into a "well rounded" young man. "Afraid of nothing" appeared to be his motto. He loved nature and he sought scrupulously to uphold the code of physical courage and endurance and he had a determination to "do things properly". He attended high school at The Oak Park and River Forest Township High School. Academically he was good at English but uninterested in most other subjects. He learnt to box and it was said there was a streak of bully in his nature, after he learnt the power of his fists. He took up canoeing and he wrote articles for the school"s weekly newspaper. （中文介绍） 海明威（1899—1961），美国小说家。1954年获诺贝尔文学奖。曾参加第一次世界大战，后担任驻欧洲记者，并以记者身份参加了第二次世界大战和西班牙内战。晚年患多种疾病，精神抑郁， 1961年自杀。他的早期长篇小说《太阳照样升起》（1927）、《永别了，武器》（1927）成为表现美国“迷惘的一代”的主要代表作。20 年代是海明威文学创作的早期，他写出了《在我们的时代里》、《春潮》、《没有女人的男人》和长篇小说《太阳照样升起》、《永别了，武器》等作品。这一时期，正值西方世界沉沦为爱略特在社会崩溃背后所看到的荒原时期，长篇小说《太阳照样升起》就是写战后一群流落欧洲的青年的生活情景以及他们精神世界的深刻变化。 《永别了，武器》是海明威的代表作。他以反对帝国主义战争为主题，揭示了“迷惘的一代”出现的历史原因，控诉了战争毁灭人的理想和幸福，戕害人们的心灵，并使千百万无辜生命因此涂炭。40 年代，他根据在非洲的见闻和印象写了《非洲的青山》、《乞力马扎罗山的雪》，还发表了《法兰西斯·玛贝康短暂的幸福》。1932年发表了《午后之死》，尊奉美国建筑师罗德维希的名言“越少，就越多”，使作品趋于精炼，缩短了作品与读者之间的距离，提出了“冰山原则”，只表现事物的八分之一，使作品充实、含蓄、耐人寻味。 30、40年代，他塑造了摆脱迷惘、悲观，为人民利益英勇战斗和无畏牺牲的反法西斯战士形象《第五纵队》和长篇小说《丧钟为谁而鸣》，《丧》是一部承前启后的重要作品。这部作品是海明威中期创作中思想性最强的作品之一，在相当程度上克服和摆脱了孤独、迷惘与悲泣的情绪，把个人融入到社会中，表现出为正义事业而献身的崇高精神。二战后，海明威创作进入晚期，其代表作为《老人与海》，由于小说中体现了人在“充满暴力与死亡的现实世界中”表现出来的勇气而获得1954年的诺贝尔文学奖。

　　哈代（1840～1928）英国诗人、小说家。他是横跨两个世纪的作家，早期和中期的创作以小说为主，继承和发扬了维多利亚时代的文学传统；晚年以其出色的诗歌开拓了英国20世纪的文学。　　哈代1840年6月2日生于英国西南部的一个小村庄，毗邻多塞特郡大荒原，这里的自然环境日后成了哈代作品的主要背景。他的父亲是石匠，但爱好音乐。父母都重视对哈代的文化教育。1856年哈代离开学校，给一名建筑师当学徒。1862年前往伦敦，任建筑绘图员，并在伦敦大学进修语言，开始文学创作。　　哈代的文学生涯开始于诗歌，后因无缘发表，改事小说创作。他的第一部长篇小说《计出无奈》问世于1871年。成名作是他的第四部小说《远离尘嚣》（1874）。从此，他放弃建筑职业，致力于小说创作。　　哈代一生共发表了近20部长篇小说，其中最著名的当推《德伯家的苔丝》、《无名的裘德》、《还乡》和《卡斯特桥市长》。诗8集，共918首，此外，还有许多以“威塞克斯故事”为总名的中短篇小说，以及长篇史诗剧《列王》。　　哈代的作品反映了资本主义侵入英国农村城镇后所引起的社会经济、政治、道德、风俗等方面的深刻变化以及人民（尤其是妇女）的悲惨命运，揭露了资产阶级道德、法律和宗教的虚伪性。他的作品承上启下，既继承了英国批判现实主义的优秀传统，也为20世纪的英国文学开拓了道路。　　Thomas Hardy was born on June 2, 1840, in Higher Bockhampton in Dorset, a rural region of southwestern England that was to become the focus of his fiction. The child of a builder, Hardy was apprenticed at the age of sixteen to John Hicks, an architect who lived in the city of Dorchester. The location would later serve as the model for Hardy"s fictional Casterbridge. Although he gave serious thought to attending university and entering the church, a struggle he would dramatize in his novel Jude the Obscure, declining religious faith and lack of money led Hardy to pursue a career in writing instead. He spent nearly a dozen years toiling in obscurity and producing unsuccessful novels and poetry. Far from the Madding Crowd, published in 1874, was the author"s first critical and financial success. Finally able to support himself as a writer, Hardy married Emma Lavinia Gifford later that year.　　Although he built a reputation as a successful novelist, Hardy considered himself first and foremost a poet. To him, novels were primarily a means of earning a living. Like many of his contemporaries, he first published his novels in periodic installments in magazines or serial journals, and his work reflects the conventions of serialization. To ensure that readers would buy a serialized novel, writers often structured each installment to be something of a cliffhanger, which explained the convoluted, often incredible plots of many such Victorian novels. But Hardy cannot solely be labeled a Victorian novelist. Nor can he be categorized simply as a Modernist, in the tradition of writers like Virginia Woolf or D. H. Lawrence, who were determined to explode the conventions of nineteenth-century literature and build a new kind of novel in its place. In many respects, Hardy was trapped in the middle ground between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, between Victorian sensibilities and more modern ones, and between tradition and innovation.　　Soon after Tess of the d"Urbervilles (1891) was published, its sales assured Hardy"s financial future. But the novel also aroused a substantial amount of controversy. In Tess of the d"Urbervilles and other novels, Hardy demonstrates his deep sense of moral sympathy for England"s lower classes, particularly for rural women. He became famous for his compassionate, often controversial portrayal of young women victimized by the self-righteous rigidity of English social morality. Perhaps his most famous depiction of such a young woman is in Tess of the d"Urbervilles. This novel and the one that followed it, Jude the Obscure (1895), engendered widespread public scandal with their comparatively frank look at the sexual hypocrisy of English society.　　Hardy lived and wrote in a time of difficult social change, when England was making its slow and painful transition from an old-fashioned, agricultural nation to a modern, industrial one. Businessmen and entrepreneurs, or “new money,” joined the ranks of the social elite, as some families of the ancient aristocracy, or “old money,” faded into obscurity. Tess"s family in Tess of the d"Urbervilles illustrates this change, as Tess"s parents, the Durbeyfields, lose themselves in the fantasy of belonging to an ancient and aristocratic family, the d"Urbervilles. Hardy"s novel strongly suggests that such a family history is not only meaningless but also utterly undesirable. Hardy"s views on the subject were appalling to conservative and status-conscious British readers, and Tess of the d"Urbervilles was met in England with widespread controversy.　　Hardy was frustrated by the controversy caused by his work, and he finally abandoned novel-writing altogether following Jude the Obscure. He spent the rest of his career writing poetry. Though today he is remembered somewhat more for his novels, he was an acclaimed poet in his time and was buried in the prestigious Poet"s Corner of Westminster Abbey following his death in 1928.

　　夸张，是为了达到某种表达效果的需要，对事物的形象、特征、作用、程度等方面着意夸大或缩小的修辞方式。那么你知道吗?下面来学习一下吧。 　 　夸张英语说法1： 　　exaggerate 　　 夸张英语说法2： 　　overstate 　　 夸张英语说法3： 　　pile it on 　　 夸张的相关短语： 　　毫不夸张 It is no exaggeration 　　夸张的 exaggerated ; grandiloquent ; magniloquent ; hyperbolic 　　夸张做作 on stilts ; mock heroics 　　夸张地 dramatically ad ; grandiloquently ; tumidly ; turgidly 　　夸张练习 the exaggeration exercise 　　夸张的话 magniloquence ; harangue ; grandiloquence 　　夸张报导 dramatize 　　夸张话 Pretentious speech or writing ; pompous language 　　夸张的英语例句： 　　1. In these and several other respects, there are many inventions and exaggerations. 　　在这些方面和其他几个方面都存在许多捏造与夸张之处。 　　2. She bowed dramatically. "Anastasia Krupnik, at your service," she said. 　　她夸张地鞠了个躬。“阿纳斯塔西娅·克鲁布尼克，随时为您效劳，”她说。 　　3. The video was seven minutes of high camp and melodrama. 　　那段录影里是7分钟极尽夸张搞笑的闹剧表演。 　　4. "Don"t you think you"re being rather melodramatic?" Jane asked. 　　简问：“你难道不觉得自己有些太夸张了吗?” 　　5. She"d flung herself in a pose of melodramatic exhaustion. 　　她一下子摆出一副筋疲力尽的夸张姿势。 　　6. Some of the designs are subtle, some gloriously OTT. 　　有些设计含蓄精妙，有些夸张绚丽。 　　7. Rebels like Katharine Hamnett have made a name for bold, declamatory statements. 　　诸如凯瑟琳·哈姆内特之类的叛逆者以口出大胆、夸张之词而闻名。 　　8. In a theatrical gesture Glass clamped his hand over his eyes. 　　格拉斯做了一个夸张的手势，用一只手将双眼紧紧捂上了。 　　9. It would be an exaggeration to call the danger urgent. 　　称那种危险为紧急事件有点夸张。 　　10. She wanted to laugh at the melodramatic way he was acting. 　　他戏剧化的夸张架势使她忍不住想笑。 　　11. Sometimes he had overacted in his role as Prince. 　　有时候，他把王子一角演得过于夸张。 　　12. I gave a theatrical bow and waved. 　　我夸张地鞠了个躬，然后挥手致意。 　　13. James Barron turns in a delightfully camp performance. 　　詹姆斯·巴伦献上了一段夸张逗笑的表演。 　　14. Don"t exaggerate. 　　别夸张。 　　15. She laughed exaggeratedly at their jokes. 　　听了他们的笑话，她夸张地笑起来。

后缀是决定一个词的词性的重要标记。掌握词性是掌握英语基本规律，扩大词的重要手段。Ⅰ．后缀-able与-ible形容词后缀-able与-ible是同义后缀，加在动词后，使动词变为形容词，其意义相当于情态动词 can +此动词被动式。所以在语义上有被动意义。例如：the results can be tested．→the results are testable．这些结果是可测试的。究竟哪些动词加-ible，哪些加-able呢？1．加-ible的词大多数来自拉丁语。下面加-ible的词都是来自拉丁语的动词。如：edible（可食用的） visible（可见的）sensible（可觉察的）possible（可能的）flexible（易弯曲的）2．以-mit结尾的动词，将-mit变为-miss再加 -ible。如：permit→permissible（可允许的）3．以-nd结尾的动词，将-nd变为-ns再加-ible，如：respond→responsible（有责任的），defend→defensible（能防御的）4．加-able的动词远比加-ible的多，且-able为活性后缀，如要构成这一意义的新词时，都是加 -able。5．一般以"e"结尾的动词，去掉"e"再加-able。如：erase→erasable（可擦掉的），deceive→deceivable（可欺的）也有直接加的，如：change→changeable（可变化的），service→serviceable（有用的）6．动词以辅音加y结尾，y变i加able。如：deny→deniable（可否认的），rely→reliable（可靠的）英语后缀Ⅱ．后缀-ize（-ise）后缀-ize（-ise）可以加在名词或形容词的后面构成动词，表示"照……样子做"、"按……方式处理"、"使成为……"、"变成……状态"、"……化"的意思。例如：dramatic（戏剧的）→dramatize（改编成剧本）， modern（现代的）→modernize（现代化），organ（组织）→organize（组织起来），civil（文明的）→civilize（使文明，变为文明），system（系统）→sys- temize（系统化），normal（正常的）→ normalize（使正常化），equal（平等的）→equalize（使平等，使相等）注意某些以-y结尾的词，加 -ize（-ise）后缀时，要去掉-y再加-ize（-ise），例如：sympathy（同情心）→sympathize（同情，表同情）英语后缀Ⅲ．后缀-ful，-ous，-ent，-ant后缀-ful，-ous，-ent，-ant均为可以直接加在动词或名词的后面构成形容词。一般来说，动词加后缀-ful，-ous，-ent，-ant构成的形容词表示主动意义。-ful表示"富有……的"，"充满……的"，"具有……性质的"，"易于……的"或"可……的"。例如：powerful（有力的）peaceful（和平的）shameful（可耻的）helpful（有帮助的）forgetful（易忘的）-ous表示"如……的"，"有……性质的"，"有……的"或"属于……的"。例如：envious（羡慕的；妒嫉的）dangerous（危险的）famous（著名的）barbarous（野蛮的）monstrous（怪异的，畸形的）-ent表示"具有……性质的"或"关于……的"。例如：dependent（依赖的）confident（自信的）apparent（明显的）innocent（无罪的，天真的）frequent（屡次的）-ant表示"属于……的"或"具有……性质的"。例如：tolerant（能容忍的）assistant（辅助的）ascendant（上升的）accordant（和谐的，一致的）英语后缀Ⅳ．后缀-ee后缀-ee可以加在动词后面构成名词，也可以加在某些形容词或名词后面构成名词。其构词的特点可归纳为以下几点：1．加在许多及物动词后面构成名词，表示含有被动意义的"受动者"，这类名词也称作"被动性名词"。例如：trainee（接受训练者）employee（雇员） appointee（受任命者）expellee（被驱逐者）addressee（收件人）toastee（接受祝酒者）detainee（被拘留者）inter- viewee（被采访者）2．加在某些不及物动词后构成名词，表示含有主动意义的"施动者"，即执行某动作的人。一般说来，这类动词没有加后缀-er或-or的形式。例如：returnee（归国者）escapee（逃亡者）embarkee（上船者）meetee（参加会议者）refugee（难民）divorcee（离婚者）值得注意的是，如果这个词以不发音的-e结尾，这时只加一个-e即可。如：advise- advisee（被建议者）invite-invitee（受邀者） retire-retiree（退休者）英语后缀Ⅴ．后缀-er，-or，-ar在表示"人"的这个意义上，它们像三姊妹。例如：banker（银行家）teenager（13-19的青少年）actor（男演员）translator（翻译者） governor（总督）scholar（学者）liar（撒谎者） beggar（乞丐）pedlar（小贩）

有ize后缀的单词有： 　　deemphasize 降低重要性； 　　dehumanize v. 使失掉人性； 　　demobilize v. 遣散(军人)，复员； 　　demonetize 非货币化； 　　desalinize v. 除去盐份； 　　disorganize vt. 破坏阻织,搅乱秩序的,使混乱 扩展资料 　　dramatize vt. 改编成戏剧,编写剧本； 　　economize v. 节省（钱、时间等）； 　　emphasize vt.强调，着重； 　　energize vt.给与…能量；电压； 　　equalize vt. 使相等,补偿； 　　eulogize v. 颂扬；赞美； 　　exorcize v. 驱魔，去除(坏念头等)； 　　extemporize v. 即席演说；即席发言； 　　familiarize vt. 使熟悉,使熟知,使通俗化； 　　fertilize vt. 使受精； 　　finalize v. 落实，定下来；定妥； 　　fraternize vi. 结有深交,友善； 　　galvanize v. 电镀，通电，激励； 　　generalize vt.概括出vi.形成概念。

您的问题很简单.百度知道很高兴帮助您解决您提出的问题. 原句：改编 翻译：recompose；adapt；rifacimento；reorganize；rearrange 改编法律adaptation of laws 改编本adaptation；version；adaption 改编戏剧dramatize 改编人adapter；Chris Botti & Lucia Micarelli 改编研究adaptation studies 目次改编re-cataloguing 改编作Bran Nue Dae 电影改编cinematographic adaptation；Movie-Tie-In；film adaption；ModdedMovie 文件改编file reorganization 百度知道永远给您最专业的英语翻译.

哈姆雷特 - Hamlet克劳狄斯 - Claudius波洛捏斯 - Polonius奥菲利娅 - Ofelia雷欧提斯 - Laertes霍拉旭 - Horatio罗生克兰 - Rosencrantz盖登思邓 - Guildenstern马赛洛 - MarcellusHamlet is without question the most famous play in the English language. Probably written in 1601 or 1602, the tragedy is a milestone in Shakespeare"s dramatic development; the playwright achieved artistic maturity in this work through his brilliant depiction of the hero"s struggle with two opposing forces: moral integrity and the need to avenge his father"s murder. Shakespeare"s focus on this conflict was a revolutionary departure from contemporary revenge tragedies, which tended to graphically dramatize violent acts on stage, in that it emphasized the hero"s dilemma rather than the depiction of bloody deeds. The dramatist"s genius is also evident in his transformation of the play"s literary sources—especially the contemporaneous Ur-Hamlet—into an exceptional tragedy. The Ur-Hamlet, or original Hamlet, is a lost play that scholars believe was written mere decades before Shakespeare"s Hamlet, providing much of the dramatic context for the later tragedy. Numerous sixteenth-century records attest to the existence of the Ur-Hamlet, with some references linking its composition to Thomas Kyd, the author of The Spanish Tragedy. Other principal sources available to Shakespeare were Saxo Grammaticus"s Historiae Danicae (circa 1200), which features a popular legend with a plot similar to Hamlet, and François de Belleforest"s Histoires Tragiques, Extraicts des Oeuvres Italiennes de Bandel (7 Vols.; 1559-80), which provides an expanded account of the story recorded in the Historiae Danicae. From these sources Shakespeare created Hamlet, a supremely rich and complex literary work that continues to delight both readers and audiences with its myriad meanings and interpretations. In the words of Ernest Johnson, the dilemma of Hamlet the Prince and Man is to disentangle himself from the temptation to wreak justice for the wrong reasons and in evil passion, and to do what he must do at last for the pure sake of justice.… From that dilemma of wrong feelings and right actions, he ultimately emerges, solving the problem by attaining a proper state of mind. Hamlet endures as the object of universal identification because his central moral dilemma transcends the Elizabethan period, making him a man for all ages. In his difficult struggle to somehow act within a corrupt world and yet maintain his moral integrity, Hamlet ultimately reflects the fate of all human beings.

马丁·路德·金的《I have a dream》的全文如下：I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.译文：今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。扩展资料：1963年马丁u2022路德u2022金与肯尼迪总统见面，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利，8月28日，抗议组织在华盛顿特区组织了一次二十五万人的集会，争取种族平等。马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念馆的台阶上发表了著名演讲《我有一个梦想》，标志着20世纪黑人民权运动进入高潮。2013年8月28日，美国首位黑人总统奥巴马也站在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前的台阶上发表讲话，他谈了“为工作和自由向华盛顿进军”大游行过去半个世纪以来美国发生的变化，以此纪念《我有一个梦想》发表50周年。

Yo, I"m Feelin" tha Voodoo in my Brainyo，邪恶的躁动充斥于脑海I ain"t my Usual Self Tonight今夜 我绝非平凡无奇Walk in tha Beautiful Rain在美妙的雨幕中漫步Tha World Rotates Aaround me【世界】为我而旋动 Here"s a Little Story Must be Told 我将倾诉一段奇妙的冒险谈血统の妙 血统の业 深锁于血脉中的罪业-----------------Yo, Look into my Evil Eyezyo，凝视我邪恶的双眸鲜やかな time と Tired guy正点时刻 力竭衰弱的鼠辈饲い惯らされた Butler 诛杀被驯服匍匐于脚下 诛杀Hey you, Just Serve my World Aight ?! hey 你，只能臣服于我的世界，懂？！染まる树海 大気の重さに Moonrise浸染的森林 空气凝滞 血月初升Dramatize and また Bite戏剧般渐崩坏幻覚 Siamese 差し込む Moonbeams难解的错觉 倾泻而下的月光So, you can"t DisguiseSo，你无处隐匿Yo, Cuttin" wit this my Rhyme, my Sight...Yo，不能切断我的韵律 遮挡我的视线...All Time is on my Side所有的时间都与我同伴Design to get What I Want谋划是为得之我所期盼卓抜な着想を运筹帷幄调和した真実の世界是为改变这个真实世界汚れた大地 仮面无しじゃ No Life污浊的大地 没有假面 如行尸走肉怪奇満ちて So Divine多么怪异扭曲的美妙感真夜中の裁决と Vampire"s祭典午夜的裁决 那是吸血鬼的盛宴Now you Fantasize 此刻 你已耽于幻境Here"s a Taste of tha Remedy能解救你的良药在此Yeah! 己を忧い Got it ?! Yeah! 想脱离苦海吗？！Woo-yes, I Got it!唔-是，我想！Got it ?!想要？！Got it我要Got it ?!你要？！Yes, I Got it是的，我想要Here"s a Taste of tha Remedy能解救你的良药在此Yeah! 己を忧い Got it ?! Yeah! 想破除痛苦吗？！Woo-yes, I Got it!唔-是，我想！RUDIment"s gon" Succeed Yeah!理想之境已初步达成 Yeah!Look into my Evil Eyez凝视我邪恶的双眸See Somethin" Inside 时代をも抱いて正视内心深处的渴求 与这个时代相拥お前を杀めんばかりの My Mind亲手将你杀死在面前 吾之决意冻るような My Spine如同被冻结 我的脊梁囚われたまま灾いから灾难始于被囚禁的灵魂You Wanna Run away or Wanna Die ?! 你想逃走吗 还是说想死？！今 Sadistic な爱に支配されて此时此刻 被施虐般的爱支配Oh, this World"s so Damn Fine Oh，这世界真是该死的美好-----------------堂々巡る歳月岁月肃穆流转今宵响く鸣咽 威光 空に発つ今宵时呜咽 威光 射向天际What"s Immoral things? 到底什么叫悖德呢？ 爱に欲に渇望 うねる炎对爱欲的渴望 翻腾的烈焰It"s in my blood 美徳と化す在我的血液中 化作了美善Now it"s knockin" on 背徳の门现在 开启那扇背德之门吧悠久の雾の都を红く焦がす刺客将悠久的雾之都烧焦的刺客暗の业火へと诱う诱入暗之业火中Time has came Get off 时机降临 开始行动Virgin Blood…处女之血…触れて So Mellow碰触它 如此醇美贤者さえも下仆 Get on Get on贤者亦臣服于吾 继续 继续Imagine that…设想它…永远に No sorrow没有永恒的悲伤この异教涡巻く现世のShadow异教横行于世 展露而出的意象うなる怒号呻吟怒号中刻む罪は深く铭刻深重的罪故に存在は强く辉く 故此闪耀着强烈光辉尚も终えない因果は重く沉重的因果宿命永无终焉时の狭间で 今 お前を待つ 我在时间的夹缝中 等待你Here"s a Taste of tha Remedy能解救你的良药在此Yeah! 己を忧い Got it ?! Yeah! 想脱离苦海吗？！Woo-yes, I Got it!唔-是，我想！Got it ?!想要？！Got it我要Got it ?!你要？！Yes, I Got it是的，我想要Here"s a Taste of tha Remedy能解救你的良药在此Yeah! 己を忧い Got it ?! Yeah! 想破除痛苦吗？！Woo-yes, I Got it!唔-是，我想！RUDIment"s gon" Succeed Yeah!理想之境已初步达成 Yeah!Look into my Evil Eyez凝视我邪恶的双眸See Somethin" Inside 时代をも抱いて正视内心深处的渴求 与这个时代相拥お前を杀めんばかりの My Mind亲手将你杀死在面前 吾之决意冻るような My Spine如同被冻结 我的脊梁囚われたまま灾いから灾难始于被囚禁的灵魂You Wanna Run away or Wanna Die ?! 你想逃走吗 还是说想死？！今 Sadistic な爱に支配されて此时此刻 被施虐般的爱支配Oh, this World"s so Damn Fine Oh，这世界真是该死的美好Look into my Evil Eyez凝视我邪恶的双眸Dreamin" on a Lie Somebody Need to Justify美梦是立于谎言之上的 人们仅需要证明构いやしない When you Cross the Line无需顾忌 当你越过临界线You don"t Know There"s no Sunshine你不知道吧 这里暗无天日したたる PEN に见る吸い込まれる就这样眼睁睁被吞噬沉没しなやかなタッチの Black and White柔软的触及的 黑夜与白昼刻まれた Star on tha Neck刻印在头颈上的星之痕It Just Suggests a Guy"s Mysterious Side预示着那家伙拥有的神秘血统-----------------疎外 厄介な Fighter Fights to Find tha Cipha Fire Fire冷酷 危险 追寻血腥杀戮的战士啊 燃烧 燃烧I"m a Pions Guy who Try to be我只是想尝试挑战极限罢了破壊欲 快楽 开花破坏欲 愉悦 升华才知を开花 Bite off Bite off 才智之花开绽 掠夺 掠夺wrrrrrrry, wrrrrrrrrrry,wrrrrrrrrrrrrrrrry, Violence I Write off Goin" Goin" Mad更多的杀业都无法诠释我的恶Look into my Evil Eyez凝视我邪恶的双眸See Somethin" Inside 时代をも抱いて正视内心深处的渴求 与这个时代相拥お前を杀めんばかりの My Mind亲手将你杀死在面前 吾之决意冻るような My Spine如同被冻结 我的脊梁囚われたまま灾いから灾难始于被囚禁的灵魂You Wanna Run away or Wanna Die ?! 你想逃走吗 还是说想死？！今 Sadistic な爱に支配されて此时此刻 被施虐般的爱支配Oh, this World"s so Damn Fine Oh，这世界真是该死的美好Look into my Evil Eyez凝视我邪恶的双眸Dreamin" on a Lie Somebody Need to Justify美梦是立于谎言之上的 人们仅需要证明构いやしない When you Cross the Line无需顾忌 当你越过临界线You don"t Know There"s no Sunshine你不知道吧 这里暗无天日したたる PEN に见る吸い込まれる就这样眼睁睁被吞噬沉没しなやかなタッチの Black and White柔软的触及的 黑夜与白昼刻まれた Star on tha Neck 刻印在头颈上的星之痕It Just Suggests a Guy"s Mysterious Side预示着他拥有的乔斯达家族的血统-The End-

I HAVE A DREAMAug.28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning. My country, " tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing: Land where my fathers died, Land of the pilgrims" pride, From every mountainside Let freedom ring. And if America is to be a great nati

马丁·路德·金的《I have a dream》的全文如下：I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation.This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.译文：今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。扩展资料：1963年马丁u2022路德u2022金与肯尼迪总统见面，要求通过新的民权法，给黑人以平等的权利，8月28日，抗议组织在华盛顿特区组织了一次二十五万人的集会，争取种族平等。马丁·路德·金在林肯纪念馆的台阶上发表了著名演讲《我有一个梦想》，标志着20世纪黑人民权运动进入高潮。2013年8月28日，美国首位黑人总统奥巴马也站在华盛顿林肯纪念堂前的台阶上发表讲话，他谈了“为工作和自由向华盛顿进军”大游行过去半个世纪以来美国发生的变化，以此纪念《我有一个梦想》发表50周年。

I Have a Dream （Martin Luther King)我有一个梦想 （马丁 路德 金）......I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. ……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。 I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal. 我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. 我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。 I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. 我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。 I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! 我有一个梦：我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。 今天我有一个梦想!I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today. 我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。 今天我有一个梦想。 I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. 我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。 This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day. 这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。 This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country "tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. 将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱： 我的祖国， 你是自由的乐土。 我为你歌唱： 我的先辈的安葬之地， 让自由的声音， 响彻每一道山岗。 So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. 如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧！ Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. 让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧！ Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. 让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧！ But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia. 但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧！ Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. 让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧！ Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring. 让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧！在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧！ When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last."当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱； “终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”

Hamlet has fascinated audiences and readers for centuries, and the first thing to point out about him is that he is enigmatic. There is always more to him than the other characters in the play can figure out; even the most careful and clever readers come away with the sense that they don"t know everything there is to know about this character. Hamlet actually tells other characters that there is more to him than meets the eye—notably, his mother, and Rosencrantz and Guildenstern—but his fascination involves much more than this. When he speaks, he sounds as if there"s something important he"s not saying, maybe something even he is not aware of. The ability to write soliloquies and dialogues that create this effect is one of Shakespeare"s most impressive achievements.A university student whose studies are interrupted by his father"s death, Hamlet is extremely philosophical and contemplative. He is particularly drawn to difficult questions or questions that cannot be answered with any certainty. Faced with evidence that his uncle murdered his father, evidence that any other character in a play would believe, Hamlet becomes obsessed with proving his uncle"s guilt before trying to act. The standard of “beyond a reasonable doubt” is simply unacceptable to him. He is equally plagued with questions about the afterlife, about the wisdom of suicide, about what happens to bodies after they die—the list is extensive.But even though he is thoughtful to the point of obsession, Hamlet also behaves rashly and impulsively. When he does act, it is with surprising swiftness and little or no premeditation, as when he stabs Polonius through a curtain without even checking to see who he is. He seems to step very easily into the role of a madman, behaving erratically and upsetting the other characters with his wild speech and pointed innuendos.It is also important to note that Hamlet is extremely melancholy and discontented with the state of affairs in Denmark and in his own family—indeed, in the world at large. He is extremely disappointed with his mother for marrying his uncle so quickly, and he repudiates Ophelia, a woman he once claimed to love, in the harshest terms. His words often indicate his disgust with and distrust of women in general. At a number of points in the play, he contemplates his own death and even the option of suicide.But, despite all of the things with which Hamlet professes dissatisfaction, it is remarkable that the prince and heir apparent of Denmark should think about these problems only in personal and philosophical terms. He spends relatively little time thinking about the threats to Denmark"s national security from without or the threats to its stability from within (some of which he helps to create through his own carelessness).

　　炫耀，从语境而言，你是否能够用英语表达出正确的来呢？下面就由我为大家带来炫耀英语短语表达，希望大家能有所收获。 　　炫耀英语短语 　　炫耀 show off 　　炫耀 show up 　　炫耀 show off one"s talent 　　炫耀 prick up oneself 　　炫耀 cut a wide swath 　　炫耀 trot out 　　炫耀 cut it fat 　　炫耀 flash it away 　　炫耀力量flaunt one"s strength 　　炫耀自己 play the peacock ; 　　自我炫耀 self-display 　　求偶炫耀 Courtship Display ; courtship display 　　为了炫耀 for show 　　炫耀它 Flaunt It 　　敢炫耀 Dare show off 　　炫耀英语单词 　　peacock 　　parade 　　panache 　　splurge 　　swank 　　sport 　　spore 　　flamboyance 　　display 　　flaunt 　　炫耀英语短句 　　flaunt one"s riches; 　　炫耀财富 　　flaunt one"s strength; 　　炫耀力量 　　parade one"s learning; 　　炫耀学问 　　I do not like to make a show of myself before strangers. 　　我不喜欢在陌生人面前炫耀自己。 　　炫耀英语例句 　　1. They have a tendency to show off, to dramatize almost every situation. 　　他们爱炫耀，几乎对每种情况都添油加醋。 　　2. Those who suffer from narcissi *** bee self-absorbed or chronic show-offs. 　　被自恋症折磨的人会变得只专注于自己的事情，或者不断地自我炫耀。 　　3. He boasts of dodging military service by feigning illness. 　　他炫耀自己通过装病来逃避服兵役。 　　4. He got up to strut his stuff on the dance-floor. 　　他起身到舞池里炫耀自己的舞技。 　　5. Jack showed off his latest squeeze at the weekend. 　　周末杰克炫耀了一番自己新交的女朋友。 　　6. Other women seemed content and even exhibited their bellies with pride. 　　其他女人似乎很满足，甚至还骄傲地炫耀她们的肚腩。 　　7. They drove around in Rolls-Royces, openly flaunting their wealth. 　　他们开着劳斯莱斯到处转悠，公开炫耀他们的财富。 　　8. We remember our mother"s stern instructions not to boast. 　　我们谨记母亲不许我们在人前炫耀的严厉教诲。 　　9. There was a touch of triumphali *** about the occasion. 　　这一活动有一点炫耀胜利的意味。 　　10. He was a typical showman with a brashness bordering on arrogance. 　　他是一个典型的好炫耀者，有一种近乎傲慢的自负。 　　11. There is little to show for the two years of hard slog. 　　两年的埋头苦干却没有获得什么值得炫耀的结果。 　　12. They have no weaponry to speak of. 　　他们没有什么武器值得炫耀。 　　13. All right, there"sno need to show off. 　　好了，没必要炫耀。 　　14. There was no swank in Martin. 　　马丁从不炫耀自己。 　　15. Naomi was showing off her engagement ring. 　　娜奥米正在炫耀她的订婚戒指。 　　炫耀双语例句 　　我突然停住，唯恐他会认为我是在炫耀。 　　I stopped suddenly in case he should think that I was showing off. 　　她炫耀自己的新衣服。 　　She flaunts her new clothes. 　　她撅嘴炫耀她的新口红。 　　She pouted to show off her new lipstick. 　　他不是一个爱炫耀自己成就的人。 　　He is not one to parade his achievements. 　　那名棒球选手向他的朋友炫耀他的奖杯。 　　The player of baseball is parading his cup to his friend. 　　这次演习为的是炫耀武力。 　　The exercise was intended as a show of force. 　　他是在炫耀他对他妻子的影响力。 　　He was making a parade of the influence he possessed over his wife. 　　那时候拥有缝纫机简直是可以炫耀的资本。 　　Owning a sewing machine was a ostentatious display. 　　而且他喜欢外出炫耀他的新衣服。 　　And he liked to go out to show off his new clothes. 看过炫耀英语短语表达的人还：

这个是原文。I HAVE A DREAM Aug.28, 1963Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

　　炫耀，从语境而言，你是否能够用英语表达出正确的来呢？下面就由我为大家带来炫耀 英语 短语 表达，希望大家能有所收获。 　　炫耀英语短语 　　炫耀 show off 　　炫耀 show up 　　炫耀 show off one"s talent 　　炫耀 prick up oneself 　　炫耀 cut a wide swath 　　炫耀 trot out 　　炫耀 cut it fat 　　炫耀 flash it away 　　炫耀力量flaunt one"s strength 　　炫耀自己 play the peacock ; 　　自我炫耀 self-display 　　求偶炫耀 Courtship Display ; courtship display 　　为了炫耀 for show 　　炫耀它 Flaunt It 　　敢炫耀 Dare show off 　　炫耀 英语单词 　　peacock 　　parade 　　panache 　　splurge 　　swank 　　sport 　　spore 　　flamboyance 　　display 　　flaunt 　　炫耀英语短句 　　flaunt one"s riches; 　　炫耀财富 　　flaunt one"s strength; 　　炫耀力量 　　parade one"s learning; 　　炫耀学问 　　I do not like to make a show of myself before strangers. 　　我不喜欢在陌生人面前炫耀自己。 　　炫耀英语例句 　　1. They have a tendency to show off, to dramatize almost every situation. 　　他们爱炫耀，几乎对每种情况都添油加醋。 　　2. Those who suffer from narcissism become self-absorbed or chronic show-offs. 　　被自恋症折磨的人会变得只专注于自己的事情，或者不断地自我炫耀。 　　3. He boasts of dodging military service by feigning illness. 　　他炫耀自己通过装病来逃避服兵役。 　　4. He got up to strut his stuff on the dance-floor. 　　他起身到舞池里炫耀自己的舞技。 　　5. Jack showed off his latest squeeze at the weekend. 　　周末杰克炫耀了一番自己新交的女朋友。 　　6. Other women seemed content and even exhibited their bellies with pride. 　　其他女人似乎很满足，甚至还骄傲地炫耀她们的肚腩。 　　7. They drove around in Rolls-Royces, openly flaunting their wealth. 　　他们开着劳斯莱斯到处转悠，公开炫耀他们的财富。 　　8. We remember our mother"s stern instructions not to boast. 　　我们谨记母亲不许我们在人前炫耀的严厉教诲。 　　9. There was a touch of triumphalism about the occasion. 　　这一活动有一点炫耀胜利的意味。 　　10. He was a typical showman with a brashness bordering on arrogance. 　　他是一个典型的好炫耀者，有一种近乎傲慢的自负。 　　11. There is little to show for the two years of hard slog. 　　两年的埋头苦干却没有获得什么值得炫耀的结果。 　　12. They have no weaponry to speak of. 　　他们没有什么武器值得炫耀。 　　13. All right, there"sno need to show off. 　　好了，没必要炫耀。 　　14. There was no swank in Martin. 　　马丁从不炫耀自己。 　　15. Naomi was showing off her engagement ring. 　　娜奥米正在炫耀她的订婚戒指。 　　炫耀双语例句 　　我突然停住，唯恐他会认为我是在炫耀。 　　I stopped suddenly in case he should think that I was showing off. 　　她炫耀自己的新衣服。 　　She flaunts her new clothes. 　　她撅嘴炫耀她的新口红。 　　She pouted to show off her new lipstick. 　　他不是一个爱炫耀自己成就的人。 　　He is not one to parade his achievements. 　　那名 棒球 选手向他的朋友炫耀他的奖杯。 　　The player of baseball is parading his cup to his friend. 　　这次演习为的是炫耀武力。 　　The exercise was intended as a show of force. 　　他是在炫耀他对他妻子的影响力。 　　He was making a parade of the influence he possessed over his wife. 　　那时候拥有缝纫机简直是可以炫耀的资本。 　　Owning a sewing machine was a ostentatious display. 　　而且他喜欢外出炫耀他的新衣服。 　　And he liked to go out to show off his new clothes.

你好 这里有文本与MP3http://www.english8848.net/top100.htm我就不在复制内容了此网页包含100位外国名人演讲 文字加Mp3

太多了帖不过来，给你网址你去看 1. http://zhidao.baidu.com/question/91263791.html 2. http://wenda.tianya.cn/wenda/thread?tid=2166bbaf800094a9 I HAVE A DREAM Aug.28, 1963 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of bad captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live up to the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident; that all men are created equal.” I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color if their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning. My country, " tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty, Of thee I sing: Land where my fathers died, Land of the pilgrims" pride, From every mountainside Let freedom ring. And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York! Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slops of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi! From every mountainside, let freedom ring! When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, “Free at last! free at last! thank God almighty, we are free at last!” 我有一个梦想 一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它的到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。 然而一百年后的今天，黑人还没有得到自由，一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个贫困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨，有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房，有些由于寻求自由，曾早居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。 让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗莱纳去，回到佐治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不能自拔。 朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。 我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的；人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。 我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评判他们的国度里生活。 我今天有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天，阿拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有着一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能够与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。 我今天有一个梦想。 我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。 这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之岭劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳的争吵声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。 在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：“我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山冈。” 如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来！让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来！让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起！让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落矶山响起来！让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来！不仅如此，还要让自由之声从佐治亚州的石岭响起来！让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来！让自由之声从密西西比州的每一座丘陵响起来！让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。 当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太人和非犹太人，新教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由啦！终于自由啦！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦！”

演讲全文：I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr.I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children.It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.We cannot turn back.There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.From every mountainside, let freedom ring.And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

"I have a dream" =Speech by the Rev. MARTIN LUTHER KING At the "Marathon Washington".August 28 1963.

后缀-ize（-ise）可以加在名词或形容词的后面构成动词，表示"照……样子做"、"按……方式处理"、"使成为……"、"变成……状态"、"……化"的意思。例如：dramatic（戏剧的）→dramatize（改编成剧本），modern（现代的）→modernize（现代化），organ（组织）→organize（组织起来），civil（文明的）→civilize（使文明，变为文明），system（系统）→sys-temize（系统化），normal（正常的）→normalize（使正常化），equal（平等的）→equalize（使平等，使相等）注意某些以-y结尾的词，加-ize（-ise）后缀时，要去掉-y再加-ize（-ise），例如：sympathy（同情心）→sympathize（同情，表同情）

Martin Luther KingI HAVE A DREAM马丁．路德．金恩我有一个梦想 (演讲影音档，摘录 )在二十世纪六十年代，美国人逐渐认识到，南北战争所致力解放黑奴运动，并没有产生使美国黑人成为完全平等公民的预效果。十九世纪后期，美国黑人的公民权利受到州和地方歧视黑人的法规和惯例层层约束和限制。在日常生活中，美国黑人常常被隔离开来，不能与白人同在一个学校上学，乘坐同一公共交通工具，同在一个地方居住。黑人不能充分参与美国社会生活，甚至在一百年后仍然和奴隶一样被剥夺各种权利，他们生活水准的提高与国家的发展并非完全相称。因此美国黑人的平等问题成为一个严重的社会问题。黑人志愿团体和教会以及其它各阶层关心此事的美国人团体，同心合力掀起了一场争取民权的运动。他们敦促国会通过强有力的法律，清除美国社会种族隔离和种族歧视的最后残余。一九六三年八月二十八日在华盛顿林肯纪念堂举行的「为工作的自由进军」是民权运动的重要里程碑。那天最激励人心的，是马丁．路德．金恩牧师代表南方基督教领导会议所作的讲演。 一位新闻记者指出，金氏的演讲「充满林肯和甘地精神的象征和圣经的韵律」。他既义正严辞又有节制；公开宣扬－这是其基本哲学的一部分－－非暴力的改革途径；并且侃侃陈词，雄辩有力。在六十年代和七十年代，美国国会、总统和法院将金氏在讲演中提到的各种法律障碍解除了。一百年前，一位伟大的美国人签署了解放黑奴宣言，今天我们就是在他的雕像前集会。这一庄严宣言犹如灯塔的光芒，给千百万在那摧残生命的不义之火中受煎熬的黑奴带来了希望。它之到来犹如欢乐的黎明，结束了束缚黑人的漫漫长夜。然而一百年后的今天，我们必须正视黑人还没有得到自由这一悲惨的事实。一百年后的今天，在种族隔离的镣铐和种族歧视的枷锁下，黑人的生活备受压榨。一百年后的今天，黑人仍生活在物质充裕的海洋中一个穷困的孤岛上。一百年后的今天，黑人仍然萎缩在美国社会的角落里，并且意识到自己是故土家园中的流亡者。今天我们在这里集会，就是要把这种骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。就某种意义而言，今天我们是为了要求兑现诺言而汇集到我们国家的首都来的。我们共和国的缔造者草拟宪法和独立宣言的气壮山河的词句时，曾向每一个美国人许下了诺言。他们承诺给予所有的人以生存、自由和追求幸福的不可剥夺的权利。就有色公民而论，美国显然没有实践她的诺言。美国没有履行这项神圣的义务，只是给黑人开了一张空头支票，支票上盖着「资金不足」的戳子后便退了回来。但是我们不相信正义的银行已经破产。我们不相信，在这个国家巨大的机会之库里已没有足够的储备。因此今天我们要求将支票兑现－－这张支票将给予我们宝贵的自由和正义的保障。我们来到这个圣地也是为了提醒美国，现在是非常急迫的时刻。现在决非侈谈冷静下来或服用渐进主义的镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主的诺言的时候。现在是从种族隔离的荒凉阴暗的深谷攀登种族平等的光明大道的时候。现在是向上帝所有的儿女开放机会之门的时候。现在是把我们的国家从种族不平等的流沙中拯救出来，置于兄弟情谊的盘石上的时候。如果美国忽视时间的迫切性和低估黑人的决心，那么，这对美国来说，将是致命伤。自由和平等的爽朗秋天如不到来，黑人义愤填膺的酷暑就不会过去。一九六三年并不意味着斗争的结束，而是开始。有人希望，黑人只要消消气就会满足；如果国家安之若素，毫无反应，这些人必会大失所望的。黑人得不到公民的权利，美国就不可能有安宁或平静。正义的光明的一天不到来，叛乱的旋风就将继续动摇这个国家的基础。但是对于等候在正义之宫门口的心急如焚的人们，有些话我是必须说的。在争取合法地位的过程中，我们不要采取错误的做法。我们不要为了满足对自由的渴望而抱着敌对和仇恨之杯痛饮。我们斗争时必须求远举止得体，纪律严明。我们不能容许我们的具有崭新内容的抗议蜕变为暴力行动。我们要不断地升华到以精神力量对付物质力量的崇高境界中去。现在黑人社会充满着了不起的新的战斗精神，但是我们却不能因此而不信任所有的白人。因为我们的许多白人兄弟已经认识到，他们的命运与我们的命运是紧密相连的，他们今天参加游行集会就是明证。他们的自由与我们的自由是息息相关的。我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证向前进。我们不能倒退。现在有人问热心民权运动的人，「你们什么时候才能满足?」只要黑人仍然遭受警察难以形容的野蛮迫害，我们就绝不会满足。只要我们在外奔波而疲乏的身躯不能在公路旁的汽车旅馆和城里的旅馆找到住宿之所，我们就绝不会满足。只要黑人的基本活动范围只是从少数民族聚居的小贫民区转移到大贫民区，我们就绝不会满足。只要密西西比仍然有一个黑人不能参加选举，只要纽约有一个黑人认为他投票无济于事，我们就绝不会满足。不!我们现在并不满足，我们将来也不满足，除非正义和公正犹如江海之波涛，汹涌澎湃，滚滚而来。我并非没有注意到，参加今天集会的人中，有些受尽苦难和折磨；有些刚刚走出窄小的牢房；有些由于寻求自由，曾在居住地惨遭疯狂迫害的打击，并在警察暴行的旋风中摇摇欲坠。你们是人为痛苦的长期受难者。坚持下去吧，要坚决相信，忍受不应得的痛苦是一种赎罪。让我们回到密西西比去，回到阿拉巴马去，回到南卡罗来纳去，回到乔治亚去，回到路易斯安那去，回到我们北方城市中的贫民区和少数民族居住区去，要心中有数，这种状况是能够也必将改变的。我们不要陷入绝望而不克自拔。朋友们，今天我对你们说，在此时此刻，我们虽然遭受种种困难和挫折，我仍然有一个梦想。这个梦想是深深扎根于美国的梦想中的。我梦想有一天，这个国家会站立起来，真正实现其信条的真谛：「我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。」我梦想有一天，在乔治亚的红山上，昔日奴隶的儿子将能够和昔日奴隶主的儿子坐在一起，共叙兄弟情谊。我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州这个正义匿迹，压迫成风，如同沙漠般的地方，也将变成自由和正义的绿洲。我梦想有一天，我的四个孩子将在一个不是以他们的肤色，而是以他们的品格优劣来评价他们的国度里生活。我今天有一个梦想。I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we"ve come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州能够有所转变，尽管该州州长现在仍然满口异议，反对联邦法令，但有朝一日，那里的黑人男孩和女孩将能与白人男孩和女孩情同骨肉，携手并进。我今天有一个梦想。我梦想有一天，幽谷上升，高山下降，坎坷曲折之路成坦途，圣光披露，满照人间。这就是我们的希望。我怀着这种信念回到南方。有了这个信念，我们将能从绝望之嶙劈出一块希望之石。有了这个信念，我们将能把这个国家刺耳争吵的声，改变成为一支洋溢手足之情的优美交响曲。有了这个信念，我们将能一起工作，一起祈祷，一起斗争，一起坐牢，一起维护自由；因为我们知道，终有一天，我们是会自由的。在自由到来的那一天，上帝的所有儿女们将以新的含义高唱这支歌：「我的祖国，美丽的自由之乡，我为您歌唱。您是父辈逝去的地方，您是最初移民的骄傲，让自由之声响彻每个山岗。」如果美国要成为一个伟大的国家，这个梦想必须实现。让自由之声从新罕布什尔州的巍峨峰巅响起来!让自由之声从纽约州的崇山峻岭响起来？让自由之声从宾夕法尼亚州阿勒格尼山的顶峰响起来!让自由之声从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的洛基山响起来!让自由之声从加利福尼亚州蜿蜒的群峰响起来？不仅如此，还要让自由之声从乔治亚州的石嶙响起来？让自由之声从田纳西州的了望山响起来!让自由之声从密西西比的每一座丘陵响起来？让自由之声从每一片山坡响起来。当我们让自由之声响起来，让自由之声从每一个大小村庄、每一个州和每一个城市响起来时，我们将能够加速这一天的到来，那时，上帝的所有儿女，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，都将手携手，合唱一首古老的黑人灵歌：「终于自由啦!终于自由啦!感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由啦!」

来自：21世纪大英汉词典1.表示：2.“使成为”,“使…化”：civilize, legalize3.“使变成…状”,“产生…”：crystallize, hypothesize4.“以…方式对待(或影响)”：patronize5.“作…处理”：dramatize6.“使与…结合”,“使渗透”：oxidize, galvanize7.“从事”,“以某种方式行动”：economize, theorize8.“怀有一定的感情”：sympathize9.“接受…活动方式”,“传播…教义”：calvinize [英国英语亦作 ise, 参较-ism,-ist,-ization]

IHaveaDream byMartinLutherKing,Jr.Iamhappytojoinwithyoutodayinwhatwillgodowninhistoryasthegreatestdemonstrationforfreedominthehistoryofournation.Fivescoreyearsago,agreatAmerican,inwhosesymbolicshadowwestandtoday,signedtheEmancipationProclamation.ThismomentousdecreecameasagreatbeaconlightofhopetomillionsofNegroslaveswhohadbeensearedintheflamesofwitheringinjustice.Itcameasajoyousdaybreaktoendthelongnightoftheircaptivity.Butonehundredyearslater,theNegrostillisnotfree.Onehundredyearslater,thelifeoftheNegroisstillsadlycrippledbythemanaclesofsegregationandthechainsofdiscrimination.Onehundredyearslater,theNegrolivesonalonelyislandofpovertyinthemidstofavastoceanofmaterialprosperity.Onehundredyearslater,theNegroisstilllanguishedinthecornersofAmericansocietyandfindshimselfanexileinhisownland.Andsowe"vecomeheretodaytodramatizeashamefulcondition.Inasensewe"vecometoournation"scapitaltocashacheck.WhenthearchitectsofourrepublicwrotethemagnificentwordsoftheConstitutionandtheDeclarationofIndependence,theyweresigningapromissorynotetowhicheveryAmericanwastofallheir.Thisnotewasapromisethatallmen,yes,blackmenaswellaswhitemen,wouldbeguaranteedthe"unalienableRights"of"Life,LibertyandthepursuitofHappiness."ItisobvioustodaythatAmericahasdefaultedonthispromissorynote,insofarashercitizensofcolorareconcerned.Insteadofhonoringthissacredobligation,AmericahasgiventheNegropeopleabadcheck,acheckwhichhascomebackmarked"insufficientfunds."Butwerefusetobelievethatthebankofjusticeisbankrupt.Werefusetobelievethatthereareinsufficientfundsinthegreatvaultsofopportunityofthisnation.Andso,we"vecometocashthischeck,acheckthatwillgiveusupondemandtherichesoffreedomandthesecurityofjustice.WehavealsocometothishallowedspottoremindAmericaofthefierceurgencyofNow.Thisisnotimetoengageintheluxuryofcoolingoffortotakethetranquilizingdrugofgradualism.Nowisthetimetomakerealthepromisesofdemocracy.Nowisthetimetorisefromthedarkanddesolatevalleyofsegregationtothesunlitpathofracialjustice.Nowisthetimetoliftournationfromthequicksandsofracialinjusticetothesolidrockofbrotherhood.NowisthetimetomakejusticearealityforallofGod"schildren.Itwouldbefatalforthenationtooverlooktheurgencyofthemoment.ThisswelteringsummeroftheNegro"slegitimatediscontentwillnotpassuntilthereisaninvigoratingautumnoffreedomandequality.Nineteensixty-threeisnotanend,butabeginning.AndthosewhohopethattheNegroneededtoblowoffsteamandwillnowbecontentwillhavearudeawakeningifthenationreturnstobusinessasusual.AndtherewillbeneitherrestnortranquilityinAmericauntiltheNegroisgrantedhiscitizenshiprights.Thewhirlwindsofrevoltwillcontinuetoshakethefoundationsofournationuntilthebrightdayofjusticeemerges.ButthereissomethingthatImustsaytomypeople,whostandonthewarmthresholdwhichleadsintothepalaceofjustice:Intheprocessofgainingourrightfulplace,wemustnotbeguiltyofwrongfuldeeds.Letusnotseektosatisfyourthirstforfreedombydrinkingfromthecupofbitternessandhatred.Wemustforeverconductourstruggleonthehighplaneofdignityanddiscipline.Wemustnotallowourcreativeprotesttodegenerateintophysicalviolence.Againandagain,wemustrisetothemajesticheightsofmeetingphysicalforcewithsoulforce.ThemarvelousnewmilitancywhichhasengulfedtheNegrocommunitymustnotleadustoadistrustofallwhitepeople,formanyofourwhitebrothers,asevidencedbytheirpresenceheretoday,havecometorealizethattheirdestinyistiedupwithourdestiny.Andtheyhavecometorealizethattheirfreedomisinextricablyboundtoourfreedom.Wecannotwalkalone.Andaswewalk,wemustmakethepledgethatweshallalwaysmarchahead.Wecannotturnback.Therearethosewhoareaskingthedevoteesofcivilrights,"Whenwillyoubesatisfied?"WecanneverbesatisfiedaslongastheNegroisthevictimoftheunspeakablehorrorsofpolicebrutality.Wecanneverbesatisfiedaslongasourbodies,heavywiththefatigueoftravel,cannotgainlodginginthemotelsofthehighwaysandthehotelsofthecities.WecannotbesatisfiedaslongasaNegroinMississippicannotvoteandaNegroinNewYorkbelieveshehasnothingforwhichtovote.No,no,wearenotsatisfied,andwewillnotbesatisfieduntil"justicerollsdownlikewaters,andrighteousnesslikeamightystream."Iamnotunmindfulthatsomeofyouhavecomehereoutofgreattrialsandtribulations.Someofyouhavecomefreshfromnarrowjailcells.Andsomeofyouhavecomefromareaswhereyourquest--questforfreedomleftyoubatteredbythestormsofpersecutionandstaggeredbythewindsofpolicebrutality.Youhavebeentheveteransofcreativesuffering.Continuetoworkwiththefaiththatunearnedsufferingisredemptive.GobacktoMississippi,gobacktoAlabama,gobacktoSouthCarolina,gobacktoGeorgia,gobacktoLouisiana,gobacktotheslumsandghettosofournortherncities,knowingthatsomehowthissituationcanandwillbechanged.Letusnotwallowinthevalleyofdespair,Isaytoyoutoday,myfriends.Andsoeventhoughwefacethedifficultiesoftodayandtomorrow,Istillhaveadream.ItisadreamdeeplyrootedintheAmericandream.Ihaveadreamthatonedaythisnationwillriseupandliveoutthetruemeaningofitscreed:"Weholdthesetruthstobeself-evident,thatallmenarecreatedequal."IhaveadreamthatonedayontheredhillsofGeorgia,thesonsofformerslavesandthesonsofformerslaveownerswillbeabletositdowntogetheratthetableofbrotherhood.IhaveadreamthatonedayeventhestateofMississippi,astateswelteringwiththeheatofinjustice,swelteringwiththeheatofoppression,willbetransformedintoanoasisoffreedomandjustice.Ihaveadreamthatmyfourlittlechildrenwillonedayliveinanationwheretheywillnotbejudgedbythecoloroftheirskinbutbythecontentoftheircharacter.Ihaveadreamtoday!Ihaveadreamthatoneday,downinAlabama,withitsviciousracists,withitsgovernorhavinghislipsdrippingwiththewordsof"interposition"and"nullification"--onedayrightthereinAlabamalittleblackboysandblackgirlswillbeabletojoinhandswithlittlewhiteboysandwhitegirlsassistersandbrothers.Ihaveadreamtoday!Ihaveadreamthatonedayeveryvalleyshallbeexalted,andeveryhillandmountainshallbemadelow,theroughplaceswillbemadeplain,andthecrookedplaceswillbemadestraight;"andthegloryoftheLordshallberevealedandallfleshshallseeittogether."?Thisisourhope,andthisisthefaiththatIgobacktotheSouthwith.Withthisfaith,wewillbeabletohewoutofthemountainofdespairastoneofhope.Withthisfaith,wewillbeabletotransformthejanglingdiscordsofournationintoabeautifulsymphonyofbrotherhood.Withthisfaith,wewillbeabletoworktogether,topraytogether,tostruggletogether,togotojailtogether,tostandupforfreedomtogether,knowingthatwewillbefreeoneday.Andthiswillbetheday--thiswillbethedaywhenallofGod"schildrenwillbeabletosingwithnewmeaning:Mycountry"tisofthee,sweetlandofliberty,oftheeIsing.Landwheremyfathersdied,landofthePilgrim"spride,Fromeverymountainside,letfreedomring!AndifAmericaistobeagreatnation,thismustbecometrue.AndsoletfreedomringfromtheprodigioushilltopsofNewHampshire.LetfreedomringfromthemightymountainsofNewYork.LetfreedomringfromtheheighteningAllegheniesofPennsylvania.Letfreedomringfromthesnow-cappedRockiesofColorado.LetfreedomringfromthecurvaceousslopesofCalifornia.Butnotonlythat:LetfreedomringfromStoneMountainofGeorgia.LetfreedomringfromLookoutMountainofTennessee.LetfreedomringfromeveryhillandmolehillofMississippi.Fromeverymountainside,letfreedomring.Andwhenthishappens,whenweallowfreedomring,whenweletitringfromeveryvillageandeveryhamlet,fromeverystateandeverycity,wewillbeabletospeedupthatdaywhenallofGod"schildren,blackmenandwhitemen,JewsandGentiles,ProtestantsandCatholics,willbeabletojoinhandsandsinginthewordsoftheoldNegrospiritual:Freeatlast!freeatlast!ThankGodAlmighty,wearefreeatlast!

我有一个梦想 (I have a Dream) 马丁·路德·金（公元1929—1968年），美国黑人律师，著名黑人民权运动领袖。一生曾三次被捕，三次被行刺，1964年获诺贝尔和平奖。1968年被种族主义分子枪杀。他被誉为近百年来八大最具有说服力的演说家之一。1963年他领导25万人向华盛顿进军“大游行”，为黑人争取自由平等和就业。8月28日马丁·路德·金在游行集会上发表了这篇著名演说。 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明 。 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。

分类: 文化/艺术 >> 历史话题 问题描述: 谁有这篇演讲的稿子，我想看一下，学课文要用的，还有，马丁遭到刺杀后死了没有？ 解析: 马丁-路德金的《我有一个梦想》 I Have a Dream by Martin Luther King, Jr. I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we"ve e here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we"ve e to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has e back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we"ve e to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also e to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of graduali *** . Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God"s children. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nieen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro munity must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have e to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have e to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream." I am not unmindful that some of you have e here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have e fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have e from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Geia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends. And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Geia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."? This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning: My country "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim"s pride, From every mountainside, let freedom ring! And if America is to be a great nation, this must bee true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California. But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Geia. Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: Free at last! free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last! 我有一个梦想 作者：小马丁·路德·金 今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的 *** *** 。 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的 *** 沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加 *** 就是明证。 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。 朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。 我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热 *** 人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。 我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。 到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： 我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！ 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！ 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！ 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！ 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！ 不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！ 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！ 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！ 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！ 当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！” 马丁曾经遭到5次暗杀,第5次时遇害!

http://www.52en.com/yy/yj.htmlhttp://www.52en.com/yy/html/20050805_001.asp

我的未来````````````````````````

don"t be stupid (you know i love you)you"re so complicated----you hang over my shoulderwhen i read my maili don"t appreciate itwhen i talk to other guysyou think they"re on my taili get so aggravated when i get off the phoneand get the third degreei"m really feelin" frustratedwhy don"t you take a pill and put a little trust in meand you"ll seedon"t freak out until you know the factsrelaxdon"t be stupid---you know i love youdon"t be ridiculous---you know i need youdon"t be absurd---you know i want youdon"t be impossiblei"m mad about you (i"m mad about you)can"t live without you (can"t live without you)i"m crazy "bout you (i"m crazy "bout you)don"t be stupid---you know i love youstop overreactingyou even get suspicious when i paint my nailsit"s definately distractingthe way you dramatize every little small detaildon"t freak out until you know the factsrelax----maxdon"t be stupid---you"re my babydon"t be stupid!在我的肩膀上当我阅读我的邮件我不明白它当我谈其他人你认为他们在我的尾巴上我变得这么恼火，当我挂掉电话并被拷问我真的感到沮丧你为什么不拿一片药片和对我有一点点信任你会看到不要大发脾气，直到你都知道事实放松不要变得愚蠢---你知道我爱你不要变得可笑---你知道，我需要你不要变得荒谬---你知道，我想要你这也并非不可能你让我疯狂（你让我疯狂）不能在没有你的情况下生活（不能在没有你的情况下生活）我对你着迷（我对你着迷）不要变得愚蠢--你知道我爱你停止过度你甚至变得疑神疑鬼，当我涂我的指甲的时候这肯定是分心这使你夸张每一个小细节不要大发脾气，直到大你知道事实最大地放松不要变得愚蠢--- 你是我的宝贝不要变得愚蠢

I say to you, my friends, so even though we must face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed - we hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, sons of former slaves and sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.I have a dream that one day, even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.I have a dream my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today!I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers; I have a dream today.I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places shall be made plain, and the crooked places shall be made straight and the glory of the Lord will be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with.With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood.With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to go to jail together, knowing that we will be free one day.This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with new meaning-"my country "tis of thee; sweet land of liberty; of thee I sing; land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride; from every mountain side, let freedom ring"-and if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.So let freedom ring -- from the prodigious hill tops of New Hampshire, let freedom ring; from the mighty mountains of New York.Let freedom ring -- from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.But not only that.Let freedom ring from the Stone Mountain of Georgia.Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside, let freedom ring.When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and hamlet, from every state and city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children - black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Catholics and Protestants - will be able to join hands and to sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last; thank God Almighty, we are free at last."……今天，我对你们说，我的朋友们，尽管此时的困难与挫折，我们仍然有个梦，这是深深扎根于美国梦中的梦。我有一个梦：有一天，这个国家将站起来，并实现它的信条的真正含义：“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻的，即所有的人都生来平等。”我有一个梦：有一天，在乔治亚州的红色山丘上，从前奴隶的子孙们和从前奴隶主的子孙们将能像兄弟般地坐在同一桌旁。我有一个梦：有一天，甚至密西西比州，一个有着不公正和压迫的热浪袭人的荒漠之州，将改造成自由和公正的绿洲。我有一个梦：我的4个小孩将有一天生活在一个国度里，在那里，人们不是从他们的肤色，而是从他们的品格来评价他们。今天我有一个梦想：我有一个梦：有一天，阿拉巴马州将变成这样一个地方，那里黑人小男孩、小女孩可以和白人小男孩、小女孩，像兄弟姐妹一样手牵手并肩而行。今天我有一个梦想。我有一个梦：有一天，每一个峡谷将升高，每一座山丘和高峰被削低，崎岖粗糙的地方改造成平原，弯弯曲曲的地方变得笔直，上帝的荣耀得以展露，全人类都将举目共睹。这是我们的希望，这是信念，带着这个信念我回到南方，怀着这个信念我们将能从绝望之山中开采出一块希望之石。怀着这个信念，我们将能把我们国家的刺耳的不和音，转变成一曲优美动听的兄弟情谊交响曲。怀着这个信念，我们将能工作在一起，祈祷在一起，奋斗在一起，一起赴监狱，一起为自由而挺住。因为我们知道，有一天我们将获自由。将会有一天，那时，所有上帝的孩子们将能以新的含义高唱：我的祖国，你是自由的乐土。我为你歌唱：我的先辈的安葬之地，让自由的声音，响彻每一道山岗。如果说美国是一个伟大的国家，这必须要成真。因此，让自由的声音从新罕布什尔州巨大的山巅响起吧。让自由的声音从纽约州巍巍群山响起吧，让自由的声音从宾夕法尼亚州阿拉根尼高原响起吧！让自由的声音从科罗拉多州冰雪覆盖的落基山脉响起吧！让自由的声音从加利福尼亚婀娜多姿的山峰上响起吧！但不仅如此，还让自由之声从乔治亚州的石峰上响起吧！让自由之声从田纳西州的观景峰响起吧！让自由之声从密西西比州的每一道山丘响起吧！在每一道山坡上，让自由之声响起吧！当我们让自由之声响彻之时，当我们让它从每一座村庄，从每一个州和每一座城市响起时，我们将能加速这一天的到来，那时，所有上帝的孩子们，黑人和白人，犹太人和异教徒们，基督徒和天主教徒们，将能手挽手，以那古老的黑人圣歌的歌词高唱；“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”我也很希望,每次朗读起来热血澎湃啊!!!

"I Have A Dream" by Martin Luther King, Jr, -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. on August 28, 1963. Source: Martin Luther King, Jr: The Peaceful Warrior, Pocket Books, NY 1968 Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of captivity. But one hundred years later, we must face the tragic fact that the Negro is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize an appalling condition. In a sense we have come to our nation"s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to open the doors of opportunity to all of God"s children. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of the Negro. This sweltering summer of the Negro"s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. we must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" we can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro"s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, that in spite of the difficulties and frustrations of the moment, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal." I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a desert state, sweltering with the heat of injustice and oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day the state of Alabama, whose governor"s lips are presently dripping with the words of interposition and nullification, will be transformed into a situation where little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls and walk together as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith with which I return to the South. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God"s children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, "tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim"s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring." And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania! Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado! Let freedom ring from the curvaceous peaks of California! But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia! Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee! Let freedom ring from every hill and every molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God"s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

我有一个梦想 作者：马丁·路德·金 今天，我高兴地同大家一起，参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 100年前，一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布，对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴，犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔，恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。 然而，100年后，黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后，黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离和种族歧视的枷锁之下。100年后，黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后，黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣，依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以，我们今天来到这里，要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。 从某种意义上说，我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国的缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时，就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡的生存权、自由权和追求幸福权。 然而，今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务，而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是，我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此，我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。 我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国：现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷，踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙，踏上充满手足之情的磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。 忽视这一时刻的紧迫性，对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来，黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束，而是一个开端。 如果国家依然我行我素，那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前，美国既不会安宁，也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石，直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。 但是，对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们，有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中，切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒，来解除对于自由的饮渴。 我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神，不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到：他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连，他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。 我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时，我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人：“你们什么时候会感到满意？”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品，我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后，却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外，我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区，我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性，损毁尊严，我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举，纽约州的黑人认为他们与选举毫不相干，我们就决不会满意。不，不，我们不会满意，直至公正似水奔流，正义如泉喷涌。 我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜，历尽苦难。继续努力吧，要相信：无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧；回到亚拉巴马去吧；回到南卡罗来纳去吧；回到佐治亚去吧；回到路易斯安那去吧；回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道，这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。 朋友们，今天我要对你们说，尽管眼下困难重重，但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。 我梦想有一天，这个国家将会奋起，实现其立国信条的真谛：“我们认为这些真理不言而喻：人人生而平等。” 我梦想有一天，在佐治亚州的红色山岗上，昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐，亲如手足。 我梦想有一天，甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州，也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。 我梦想有一天，我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色，而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天，亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里，黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。 我今天怀有一个梦。 我梦想有一天，深谷弥合，高山夷平，歧路化坦途，曲径成通衢，上帝的光华再现，普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念，我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念，我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声，变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念，我们就能一同工作，一同祈祷，一同斗争，一同入狱，一同维护自由，因为我们知道，我们终有一天会获得自由。 到了这一天，上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌： 我的祖国，可爱的自由之邦，我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方，这是早期移民自豪的地方，让自由之声，响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家，这一点必须实现。因此，让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰！ 让自由之声响彻纽约州的崇山峻岭！ 让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰！ 让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山！ 让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰！ 不，不仅如此；让自由之声响彻佐治亚州的石山！ 让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山！ 让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰，一个个土丘！ 让自由之声响彻每一个山岗！ 当我们让自由之声轰响，当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄，每一个州府城镇，我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时，上帝的所有孩子，黑人和白人，犹太教徒和非犹太教徒，耶稣教徒和天主教徒，将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌：“终于自由了！终于自由了！感谢全能的上帝，我们终于自由了！”